This book examines the causes, severity and effects of these problems, as well as potential solutions. The authors consider the implications of globalization of goods, services and.
Agriculture and economic growth; Development policy and agriculture; The performance of agriculture; Development of Ecuador's renewable natural resources; The human factor and agriculture; Production agriculture: nature and characteristcs; Irrigation and agricultural development; The agricultural marketing system; Credit and credit policies; Social institutions, gender and rural living conditions; Agriculture and the.
Peter Timmer, published by Unknown which was released on Andrew, published by Unknown which was released on Structure and characteristics of agriculture in LDCs; Role of agriculture in economic development; Theory of rent and the concept of "surplus"; Agriculture in dualistic development models; Resource use efficiency and technical change in peasant agriculture; Supply response; Institutional constraints on agricultural development and remedial policies; Population and food supplies; Agriculture.
This book provides a non-technical, accessible primer on sustainable agricultural development and its relationship to sustainable development based on three analytical pillars. The first is to understand agriculture as complex physical-biological-human systems.
Second is the economic perspective of understanding tradeoffs and synergies among the economic, environmental and social dimensions of. Agriculture in the world economy; The relationship between agriculture and other sectors; Transformation of traditional agriculture. This book examines the role of agriculture in the economic transformation of developing low- and middle-income countries and explores means for accelerating agricultural growth and poverty reduction.
In this volume, Mellor measures by household class the employment impact of alternative agricultural growth rates and land tenure systems, and impact on. Whilst many books on the European economy have focused on the analysis of its industrial sectors, this book draws attention to the often ignored contribution made by the development of European agriculture over the past two centuries. In doing so, the authors adopt a revisionist perspective on the subject, addressing.
To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.
Need an account? Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. Archie Magai. A short summary of this paper. The Role of Agriculture in Economic Development. KARL A. Brown's model are comprehensiveness and consistency.
It reminds us very clearly that the world economy is a closed system. The exports of one country are imports of other countries. Inconsistencies among the export plans of different countries can be t clearly exposed and quantified only within a complete model which in- cludes all countries or, as in Brown's model, all multicountry regions.
Except for minor editing, Brown's paper appears in this volume just as it stood in August If the Food and Agriculture Organization has decided to use this framework for its studies underlying the Indicative World Food Plan, Brown and others would no doubt have enriched and improved the model. As this did not happen, I propose to add some suggestions of my own toward a model of world economic development with special attention to the agricultural sector.
World economic development requires the transformation of agricul- tural production. It also entails the transformation of both rural and urban social systems. The rural-urban dichotomy is also resolved into a system of functional economic areas which are essentially urban in character. Hence, I will take a broader approach here than is customary in dis- cussions of agricultural development. World economic development has implications for every human being. More than a billion persons are now living in villages and are engaged primarily in agriculture.
Within two decades hundreds of millions of them will have changed occupations, residences, and ways of life. In- creased efficiency of agricultural production is one element, but only one, in the development process.
Noneconomic aspects of life may change so drastically that changes in real income per capita will be partial and inadequate measures of changes in human welfare. To guide agricultural development policies on a world scale we need a concept of individual welfare that goes beyond that represented by existing meas- ures.
It will require the application of a comprehensive social science and the integration of units of observation from psychology, sociology, and economics.
We must also bring to bear the concepts of central-place theory to clarify the nature of the urbanization process and the emer- gence of a new synthesis of rural and urban society around national or multinational systems of cities. Apart from these innovations, the role of agriculture in world eco- nomic development can be expressed by linking several types of quanti- tative models.
These models have generally been applied by different groups of economists in different contexts, and there may be some ad- vantage in spelling out the way in which they could be integrated to form a policy-oriented model of the world economy with a realistic, operational, and computable treatment of the agricultural sector.
I Toward a Comprehensive Social Science There are indications that leading social scientists in a number of fields are converging toward a comprehensive social science. In his col- lection of essays, Models of Man, Herbert Simon tried to set forth "a consistent body of theory of the rational and nonrational aspects of human behavior in a social setting.
Simon commented wryly on the corn- r. The new wine, such a- as it is, has been safely stored in the old bottles—and I am often compli- ly mented, sincerely I think, on the range of my dilettantism. In assembling these sixteen essays in a single volume, together with some analysis of their mutual relations, I make confession that the compliments Ic were largely undeserved; that what appeared to be scatteration was really Pt closer to monomania.
For when these essays are viewed in juxtaposition, it can be seen that all of them are concerned with laying foundations for a s— science of man that will accommodate comfortably his dual nature as a social and as a rational animal. If men of good will and high purpose are to control events, 1- they must be trained to perceive and taught to act in accord with a lawful to universe—social as well as physical—and their sympathies must be supple- c, mented by the kind of knowledge that can come only from a well-integrated, pertinent social science.
And, if this kind of social science is to emerge, it must be not only unified and related to all the disciplines but must be global in its pertinence. More- over, we must recognize that only to the extent that it is a natural science of society does it stand a chance to succeed. Our special plea is that it be a science closely linked to the nature of the very earth itself including its spatial properties.
Social science and physical science are but mutually related isomorphic is examples of one generalized logic. In both branches, many and diverse '1— academic specialties can be recognized usefully in terms of content, but 'a when patterns and relationships are investigated in terms of basic categories of then the true unity of all knowledge is revealed.
The more we learn of any pattern, the more we learn how much it is like some other. Warntz urges his listeners on to "that next necessary great advance 7 of knowledge, a truly natural science of society," and concludes by 2 Simon, Models of Man, pp. Demetrius latridis of the Athens Center of Ekistics has this to say: The increasing acceptance of social planners as full-status members in P physical planning teams is the result of several crucial developments. One is the better understanding of the human settlement as an entity in its own P right.
Another is the increasing tendency to view it and the urban system s essentially as individuals, groups, and social institutions in interaction with a one another and as aspects of the societal systems.
Experts in everyday prac- tice were usually preoccupied with such elements as size, shape, density, stock of buildings or goods. But the recent emphasis on social interaction and social organization—the view that it is really the flow of information, goods, wealth or feelings among human beings in communication which comprises the human settlement—has resulted in an expansion of the physi- cal planner's viewpoint.
In practice, the planners' traditional and major foci t of inquiry have grown; in addition to size, shape, land use, location and density, they are showing a keen interest in social organization, human inter- action, social policy and social change. The study-focus of projects now includes a far greater number and scope of subjects and variables ranging from the political-administrative pattern of the human settlement to the essential behavioral patterns of individuals and groups.
II, ed. XIV, , pp. See also Part II in Vol. XV, published in Model of World Development 99 interest in political and social indicators in the United States will almost certainly foster attempts to find or force common denominators for El- measures of economic, social, psychological, and physical welfare. Research by sociologists and political scientists on power structures is in communities of various sizes and types suggests to this writer, at least that common denominators may be found for distributions of prestige and influence as well as those of income and wealth.
The corre- in lations among these distributions are high but by no means perfect. Power structures and other "mechanisms of influence" are being repre- m sented in terms of directed graphs and the corresponding matrices; so th are other patterns of human interaction, as in formal organizations C- firms, government agencies, and the like.
At the level of measurement of individual behavior, the transactional analysis concepts of Berne and others, Roger Barker's concept of behavior settings, and the sociological n, concept of role playing provide elements ready for a tentative synthesis. It may be noted in passing that hierarchies of central places villages, a— towns and cities of different sizes almost certainly reflect hierarchical 'ci Id patterns and tendencies within firms, agencies, and other organizations —tendencies that are perhaps too blandly subsumed under the general 1W rubric of increasing returns to scale.
II al ' p- Measuring the impact of Social Change on individual Welfare In a broad sense, society consists of patterned interactions among people. The social psychologist Roger Barker spent a good many years ob- A serving the behavior of residents of a small midwestern community of 4, about people. Barker early addressed himself to the question of how the environment of human behavior was to be identified, de- 43 scribed, and measured.
He concluded that the community environment Barker, Roger G. Barker and Dan D. Gore and Leroy C. Hodapp ed. Barker says: V. Behavior settings are units of the environment that have relevance for behavior. They provide the primary data of the study to be reported here.
We have dealt only with the settings that occur outside the homes of the community, that is, the public behavior settings.
The number of public be- havior settings in the town is a measure of the size of the town's public environment. S We must emphasize that a behavior setting coerces people and things to conform to its temporal-spatial pattern. This is not an incidental or acci- dental characteristic. The person or persons who maintain and control the setting the performers make a deliberate effort to insure that this is so, and that the setting therefore fulfills its function.
This aspect of a setting we call its program. Two settings are said to have the same program when their parts and processes are interchangeable. When this is true, two or more settings belong to the same genotype. Two grocery stores, for example, could exchange stock, personnel, bookkeeping systems, shelving, and so forth, with little interruption in their operation.
They belong to the same genotype. A Methodist and a Presbyterian minister could, and sometimes do, exchange pulpits. The number of behavior setting genotypes in a town is a measure of the variety of the town's environment.
Examples include grocery stores, hardware stores, ice cream socials, kindergarten classes, business meetings, religion classes, hall- ways, bus stops, places of employment, one's own home, and many others. Elements of Barker's more formal characterization of a behavior set- ting include the following: It has a space-time locus.
It is composed of a variety of things and events: people, objects, behavior, and other processes. The widely different components of a particular behavior setting form a bounded pattern, which is easily discriminated from the pattern on the outside of the boundary. It is an objective unit, in the sense that it exists independently of anyone's perception of it, though not independently of the people who are a part of its pattern.
A behavior setting consists of both behavior and objects; both are essential; the setting is a phenomenon which consists of interdependent objects and behavior. Model of World Development An important factor is the space-time boundary; there is a physical boundary for example, the walls and doors of a church and there is a temporal boundary for example, a service extending from 11 A.
Within the boundary of the setting, the behavior of individuals con- forms to the pattern characteristic of the setting. This fact is a function of other people in the setting and of the physical arrangement of the setting. No behavior occurs outside of a behavior setting.
He was able to record that the number of daily occurrences of behavior settings during —64 ir was 53,, and that the hours of duration of public behavior settings C in —64 totaled , Multiplying the hours of duration of each d behavior setting by the number of persons participating in it, Barker h - obtained a record of "hours of occupancy" of behavior settings, totaling 1,, in — As there are 8, hours in a year, the total hours of "life lived" during the year by the town's residents was 7,, About 15 per cent of these hours were spent in public be- hayior settings not counting, I believe, places of employment ; the D remaining "hours of living" were presumably spent in private homes, a places of employment, and in transit from one behavior setting to an- other.
For formal completeness, of course, we could say that each Y different kind of transportation between one locationally fixed behavior setting and another was itself a behavior setting driving one's own car alone, riding with a car pool, walking alone, etc.
It is tempting to apply the economic theory of consumption to Barker's data on the allocation of time, in the hope that this will lead to a more comprehensive measure of changes in human welfare than GNP. His role in each behavior setting and the temporal rhythm of recurrence of settings are also aspects of welfare which will be men- tioned shortly.
For the moment, we shall explore the extension of con- e sumption theory to the allocation of time. Place of work is included among the be- havior settings and one receives a payment per hour for time spent on the job.
The maximization of W implies an optimal allocation of time between labor and leisure. The system must include time spent by person j reading books by authors now deceased, painting pictures that may be viewed by persons yet unborn, or watching a specific television program or a category genotype of television programs.
In each behavior setting the person has a role—spectator, student, teacher, customer, salesman, committee member, or whatever. The concept of optimal allocation of a person's time among behavior settings could be extended to all human beings alive at a given time.
At present, the world's population is about 3. The entries in the vast majority of cells would of course be zeros. In principle, we could measure the amount of time spent by each person I in receiving "infor- mation" from each other person k in each behavior setting i.
However, the role played by person j in behavior setting I may be a more stable n and meaningful aspect of his degree of satisfaction in that setting. If this conceptual framework were used as a guide for economic de- velopment planning, additional information would be required, including: 1 attributes of each person, such as age, sex, occupation, education, nationality, language, religion, political party, and others affecting the selection of behavior settings and persons interacted with; and 2 exact geographic coordinates of each behavior setting, including homes, places of work, and "public" settings.
These coordinates help to explain the spatial organization of economic and social life. Given 4 x 1 be- havior settings, our geographic coordinates would enable us to calculate a matrix of "great circle" distances between settings containing 16 x entries in all, or about 8 X nonduplicated entries.
In prin- ciple, mileages by actual roads and commercial transport routes land, water, and air could be inserted in place of "great circle" distances. Reductions in travel times or travel costs between sets of behavior set- tings will increase the sizes of the geographic areas which are effectively integrated into communities, labor markets, urban fields, and commodity markets.
Travel time and cost reductions will also give greater scope to economies of size in firms and public enterprises, leading to the emer- gence of hierarchies of central urban places that will accommodate 4 larger organizations with more complex labor force structures. With respect to any person j we may inquire whether the actual value of in fell short of its potential and if so, to what extent. An increase in the capacity of any person k to give produce human values could increase the welfare of one or more persons without reducing the welfare of other persons.
The gains from rearrangements within a given year may or may not be large. Techno- logical change would be valued to the extent that it made the world "a better home for man. As economists, we have been reasonably successful in measuring distributions of income and wealth. Power and prestige present, for us, novel problems of measurement.
Is there a common denominator for aggregating different kinds of influence? In a social system involving n persons, is there a "stock of influence" to be allocated among individuals according to the rank-size rule or some other regular principle? Even granting this assumption, each subsystem in the society and perhaps each behavior setting might have its own rank-size rule operating among its own specific members or participants.
If considera- tions of influence affected the utility of a behavior setting, each person would tend to allocate his time among behavior settings in which his situation in this regard was relatively satisfactory. The change in the individual's circumstances from one year to the next could be measured in terms both of the goods he consumes and of the behavior setting, role, and recognition combinations which he experiences. His roles and amounts of recognition in the specific new settings may differ from those in his former specific settings.
On interview, he might be able to estimate how much money he would be willing to pay or would require to exchange each specific behavior setting in the new town for the corresponding setting in his former location, giving a common unit of measure to both the economic and noneconomic aspects of his move.
Arnold Faden has referred to the action of a person who changes say his residence but not his place of employment as "partial migra- tion.
A change in role within a behavior setting might be similarly regarded. But if each "partial migration" in this sense can be equated with a compensating money payment, we can add the net gain or loss from "partial migration" to the net gain or loss in purchasing power, obtaining a dollar estimate of the total change in perceived welfare. Space does not permit much further elaboration.
However, a set of photographs of a typical young villager in each of his behavior settings, conveying an impression of his role and recognition in each, might be compared with a set of photographs of a young man of similar back- ground occupying the settings and roles typical of those that the young villager might expect during his first and second years in the city.
The technique could be developed to indicate, in film strips, the proportions of time spent in each setting and the sequences in which the settings occur, so that quantitative as well as qualitative differences would be observed. Typical family adjustment problems could be visualized in this fashion, and so perhaps could the full array of problems of a representative sam- pie of prospective migrants from villages to cities. The effects of altema- tive development strategies might be simulated in terms of the propor- tions of persons making specified changes or partially accommodating to change for example, continuing to live in villages for some years while commuting by bus to factory jobs.
Faden, Arnold M. The individuals belonging to a nuclear family and living in the same house LC could be clustered in such a way as to form a block diagonal matrix 15 identifying individual families. Other patterns, very simi- lar, except for the geographical proximity of the behavior settings, would identify neighborhood, community, and "regional" shopping areas within the larger cities.
Each of the human communities identified would be relatively self- ri contained with respect to a particular set of activities. In mainland China as of the rural commune was typically coextensive with the tradi- tional administrative village or hsiang.
In the United States as of , C. Galpin found what he termed "fundamental agricultural communities" averaging about fifty square miles in area. These areas also required about one hour's time on foot - or by horse and wagon to travel from the village center to the de facto community perimeter, a radius on the order of five miles. Galpin described "the actual but unofficial community" which he found in Walworth County, Wisconsin as follows: Eight of the twelve civic centers of Walworth County are incorporated; four as cities and four as villages.
Officially, that is legally, the incorporated centers are treated as communities, each by and for itself. The foregoing analysis of the use of the leading institutions of each center by the farm population discloses the fact, however, that these institutions are agencies of social service over a comparatively determinable and fixed area of land sur- rounding each center; that this social service is precisely the same in char- acter as is rendered to those people—whether artisans, employees, or pro- Wang, Tong-eng, Structural Change and Development in Chinese Agriculture, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Iowa State University Library, Ames, Iowa, It is difficult, if not impossible, to avoid the conclusion that the trade zone about one of these rather complete agricultural civic centers forms the boundary of an actual, if not legal, community, within which the apparent entanglement of human life is resolved into a fairly unitary system of inter- relatedness.
The fundamental community is a composite of many expanding and contracting feature communities possessing the characteristic pulsating instability of all real life. As of there are more than 60 million—an increase of at least a hundredfold!
By , the automobile was the almost universal means of shopping and home-to- work travel in the Midwest. There is conclusive evidence that the Amer- ican Midwest can be delineated into a set of functional economic areas FEAs or commuting fields in terms of the patterns of home-to-work commuting from the peripheries of such areas to the central cities of usually 30, or more population at their centers.
0コメント