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Cancel Save settings. Home Contact us Help Free delivery worldwide. Free delivery worldwide. A good way to start would be to ask that person if he or she has any questions. That way, the information you provide is more directly useful to your friend, rather than forcing this individual to search for the information he or she needs in a long, one-sided lecture.
Because it can help us improve the performance of children in school. It can also help us learn to remember the names of people we meet whose names we rapidly forget. A leader in guiding functionalism toward pragmatism was William J ames 1 1 9 1 0. Even today, cognitive psychologists frequently point to the writings of James in discussions of core topics in the field, such as attention, consciousness, and perception.
Dewey is remembered primarily for his pragmatic approach to thinking and schooling. Associationism examines how events or ideas can become associated with one another in the mind to result in a form of learning. In the late 1 s, associationist Hermann Ebbinghaus 1 1 was the first experimenter to apply associationist principles systematically.
Specifically, Ebbinghaus studied his own mental processes. He counted his errors and recorded his response times. Rehearsal is the conscious repetition of to-be-Iearned material. Thus, repetition aids in learning see Chapter 6. Another influential associationist, Edward Lee Thorndike 1 1 , held that the role of "satisfaction" is the key to forming associations.
Thorndike believed that an organism learns to respond in a given way the effect in a given situation if it is rewarded repeatedly for doing so the satisfaction , which serves as a stimulus to future actions. Thus, a child given treats for solving arithmetic problems correctly learns to solve arithmetic problems accurately because he or she forms associations between valid solutions and treats.
From Associationism to Behaviorism Other researchers who were contemporaries of Thorndike used animal experiments to probe stimulus-response relationships in ways that differed from those of Thorndike and his fellow associationists. These researchers straddled the line between associationism and the emerging field of behaviorism.
The idea was to make physical whatever others might have called "mental" Lycan, Some of these researchers, like Thorndike and other associationists, studied responses that were voluntary although perhaps lacking any conscious thought, as in Thorndike's work. In Russia, Nobel Prize-winning physiologist Ivan Pavlov 1 1 93 6 studied involuntary learning behavior of this sort.
He began with the observation that dogs salivated in response to the sight of the lab technician who fed them. This response occurred before the dogs even saw whether the technician had food. To Pavlov, this response indicated a form of learning, classically conditioned learning, over which the dogs had no conscious control.
In the dogs' minds, some type of involuntary learning linked the technician to the food Pavlov, 1 9 5 5. Pavlov's landmark work paved the way for the development of behaviorism. Classical conditioning involves more than j ust an association based on temporal contiguity e. Effective conditioning requires contingency e. Behaviorism may b e considered a n extreme version of associationism. It focuses entirely on the association between the environment and an observable behavior.
According to strict, extreme "radical" behaviorists, any hypotheses about internal thoughts and ways of thinking are nothing more than speculation. Proponents of Behaviorism The "father" of radical behaviorism is John Watson 1 1 9 5 8. Watson had no use for internal mental contents or mechanisms. He believed that psychologists should concentrate only on the study of observable behavior Doyle, He dismissed thinking as subvocalized speech.
Behaviorism also differed from previous movements in psychology by shifting the emphasis of experimental research from human to animal participants. One problem with using animals, however, is determining whether the research can be generalized to humans i. Skinner 1 1 , a radical behaviorist, believed that virtually all forms of human behavior, not j ust learning, could be explained by behavior emitted in reaction to the environment. Skinner conducted research primarily with nonhuman animals.
He rejected mental mechanisms. Skinner applied his experimental analysis of behavior to many psychological phenomena, such as learning, language acquisition, and problem solving. For example, Edward Tolman 1 1 9 5 9 thought that understanding behavior required taking into account the purpose of, and the plan for, the behavior. Tolman 1 9 3 2 believed that all behavior is directed toward some goal. For example, the goal of a rat in a maze may be to try to find food in that maze.
Another criticism of behaviorism Bandura, 1 97 7b is that learning appears to result not merely from direct rewards for behavior. I t also can be social, resulting from observations of the rewards or punishments given to others. We learn by example. This consideration of social learning opens the way to considering what is happening inside the mind of the individual. Gestalt Psychology Of the many critics of behaviorism, Gestalt psychologists may be among the most avid.
Gestalt psychology states that we best understand psychological phenomena when we view them as organized, structured wholes. For example, behaviorists tend to study problem solving by looking for subvocal processing-they are looking for the observable behavior through which problem solving can be understood.
Gestaltists, in contrast, study insight, seeking to understand the unobservable mental event by which someone goes from having no idea about how to solve a problem to understanding it fully in what seems a mere moment of time. The maxim "the whole differs from the sum of its parts" aptly sums up the Gestalt perspective.
To understand the perception of a flower, for example, we would have to take into account the whole of the experience. Emergence of Cognitive P sychology A more recent approach is cognitivism, the belief that much of human behavior can be understood in terms of how people think. Cognitivism is, in part, a synthesis of earlier forms of analysis, such as behaviorism and Gestaltism. But like behaviorism, it has come to use precise quantitative analysis to study how people learn and think.
Early Role of Psychobiology Ironically, one of Watson's former students, Karl Spencer Lashley 1 1 9 5 8 , brashly challenged the behaviorist view that the human brain i s a passive organ merely responding to environmental contingencies outside the individual Gardner, 1 98 5.
Instead, Lashley considered the brain to be an active, dynamic organizer of behavior. Lashley sought to understand how the macro-organization of the human brain made possible such complex, planned activities as musical performance, game playing, and using language. None of these were, in his view, readily explicable in terms of simple conditioning.
In the same vein but at a different level of analysis, Donald Hebb 1 proposed the concept of cell assemblies as the basis for learning in the brain. Cell assemblies are coordinated neural structures that develop through frequent stimulation.
They develop over time as the ability of one neuron nerve cell to stimulate firing in a connected neuron increases. Behaviorists did not jump at the opportunity to agree with theorists like Lashley and Hebb. In fact, behaviorist B. Skinner 1 95 7 wrote an entire book describing how language acquisition and usage could be explained purely in terms of environmental contingencies.
This work stretched Skinner's framework too far, leaving Skinner open to attack. An attack was indeed forthcoming. Emergence of Cognttive Psychology In his article, Chomsky stressed both the biological basis and the creative potential of language.
He pointed out the infinite numbers of sentences we can produce with ease. He thereby defied behaviorist notions that we learn language by reinforcement. Chomsky argued that our understanding of language is constrained not so much by what we have heard, but rather by an innate language acquisition device LAD that all humans possess. In particular, the LAD actively limits the number of permissible grammatical constructions. Thus, it is the structure of the mind, rather than the structure of environmental contingencies, that guides our acquisition of language.
Turing 1 suggested that soon it would be hard to distinguish the communication of machines from that of humans. By 1 a new phrase had entered our vocabulary.
Chess-playing programs, which now can beat most humans, are examples of artificial intelligence. The planes had two almost identical levers under the seat. One lever was to pull up the wheels and the other to pull up the flaps. Pilots apparently regularly mistook one for the other, thereby crashing expensive planes upon take-off.
Applied cognitive psychology also has had great use in advertising. Indeed, much of advertising has directly used principles from cognitive psychology non In psychology. Early cognitivists e. One of the most famous early articles in cognitive psychology was, oddly enough, on "the magic number seven. For example, he found that most people can remember about seven items of information. For example, if you can remember seven digits presented to you sequentially, your channel capacity for remembering digits is seven.
Ulric Neisser's book Cognitive Psychology Neisser, 1 96 7 was especially critical in hringing cognitivism to prominence by informing undergraduates, graduate students, and academics about the newly developing field. Neisser defined cognitive psychology as the study of how people learn, structure, store, and use knowledge. Subsequently, Allen Newell and Herbert Simon 1 proposed detailed models of human thinking and problem solving from the most basic levels to the most complex.
In the 1 s, Jerry Fodor 1 9 7 3 popularized the concept of the modularity of mind. He argued that the mind has distinct modules, or special-purpose systems, to deal with linguistic and possibly other kinds of information.
Modularity implies that the processes that are used in one domain of processing, such as the linguistic Fodor, 1 9 7 3 or the perceptual Marr, 1 98 2 , operate independently of processes in other domains.
An opposing view would be one of domain-general processing, according to which the processes that apply in one domain, such as perception or language, apply in many other domains as well.
Curiously, the idea of the mind as modular goes back at least to phrenologist Franz-Joseph Gall see Boring, 1 95 0 , who in the late eighteenth century believed that the pattern of bumps and swells on the skull was directly associated with one's pattern of cognitive skills. Although phrenology itself was not a scientifically valid technique, the practice of mental cartography lingered and eventually gave rise to ideas of modularity based on modem scientific techniques.
Goals of Research To better understand the spec ific methods used by cognitive psychologists, one must first grasp the goals of research in cognitive psychology, some of which are highlighted here.
Often researchers simply seek to gather as much information as possible about a particular phenomenon. They may or may not have preconceived notions regarding what they may find while gathering the data. Their research focuses on describing particular cognitive phenomena, such as how people recognize faces or how they develop expertise. Data gathering reflects an empirical aspect of the scientific enterprise.
Once there are sufficient data on the cognitive phenomenon of interest, cognitive psychologists use various methods for drawing inferences from the data. Ideally, they use multiple converging types of evidence to support their hypotheses.
Sometimes, j ust a quick glance at the data leads to intuitive inferences regarding patterns that emerge from those data.
More commonly, however, researchers use various statistical means of analyzing the data. Data gathering and statistical analysis aid researchers in describing cognitive phenomena. No scientific pursuit could get far without such descriptions. However, most cognitive psychologists want to understand more than the what of cognition; most also seek to understand the how and the why of thinking. That is, researchers seek ways to explain cognition as well as to describe it.
Suppose that we wish to study one particular aspect of cognition. An example would be how people comprehend information in textbooks.
We usually start with a theory. A theory is an organized body of general explanatory principles regarding a phenomenon, usually based on observations.
We seek to test a theory and thereby to see whether it has the power to predict certain aspects of the phenomena with which it deals. Next, we test our hypotheses through experimentation. Statistical significance indicates the likelihood that a given set of results would be obtained if only chance factors were in operation. For example, a statistical significance level of. Therefore, the results are not likely to be due merely to chance.
Through this Herbert A. For example, the hIS plOneermg work. In addition, many cognitive that simulate human thought. He also was a real-life situations.
Some research in cognitive psychology is applied from the start. It major advocate of thmkmg-aloud seeks to help people improve their lives and the conditions under which they live their protocols as a means of studymg lives.
Thus, basic research may lead to everyday applications. For each of these purposes, cogmtIVe processmg Simon rued different research methods offer differing advantages and disadvantages. For example, the of hours to playing baseball. My phrase "happy new year" is for most English speakers a oldest coach, Dean Harrah, had single chunk composed of 3 familiar sub-chunks the most prodigious memory for words , which are in tum composed of 1 2 familiar baseball games of anyone I ever sub-chunks letters and two spaces- 1 4 symbols in knew.
Dean could recall every significant play of a all. Suppose, however, that the 14 symbols were laid game, such as the inning, number of outs, pitch out on the page as "ha-ppyyne-wyear. Yet a foreign native without knowledge of the His recall of game details was just staggering.
What a chunk is his appointments, grocery shopping, and his wife's depends on an individual's past learning. Yet Claude couldn't remember worth beans vide elements into perceptual groups? Dean and Claude couldn't tell me a thing or bunched up they are in time or space. It was ception and are copied into a person's immediate one of the many puzzles of everyday life that got me memory. Moreover, if students were to study and try interested in the psychology of human memory.
That is, most of their recall errors would crop memory usually is. For memory. But what are these "things" we take in? The example, letters similar in size, shape font , and psychologist George Miller 1 called them "chunks color will be grouped together and recalled as units.
How big are chunks? What lar in being spoken by different voices or in coming determines their size and properties? Are your chunks from different locations. Such auditory groupings are the same as mine? How do we measure chunks? By recognizing and exploiting familiar chunks, So, what's this chunking business got to do with the expert greatly reduces the amount of new learning learning and memory?
I hypothesized that the required to master the new material. Such expertise develops slowly only from many them. Was their failure due to being unrelated domains such as their daily appointments or confused about where to put the spaces or pauses as chemistry lessons. Moreover, the deficit was duce an arbitrary collection of items.
Such learning is about the same when we simply counted correct letters often required of us. In contrast, for mastery learning regardless of the order in which students recalled them. For example, although constant groupings of the next.
The benefit ready recognized these acronyms. This observation of such conceptual inter-relations is a much-studied illustrates a simple, powerful principle: Human mem- ropic, but more on that later.
Distinctive Research Methods Cognitive psychologists use various methods to explore how humans think. See Table 1. Cognitive psychologists use controlled experiments, psychobiological research, self-reports, case studies, naturalistic observa- tion, and computer simulations and artificial intelligence when studying cognitive phenomena. Vahdlty of causal mfer- Usually Not usually Not applicable ences: random assign- ment of subjects.
I Vahdlry of causal mfer- Usually Vanes widely, dependmg on the Probably not ences: experimental control particular techntque of mdependent variables. Samples: representativeness May be representative Often not representative May be representative : Ecological vahdlty Not unhkely; depends on the Unhkely under some Clrcum- Maybe; see strengths and weaknesses task and the context to stances which It is being applied.
Information about indl- Usually de-emphasized Yes Yes Vidual differences. Strengths Ease of administration, of Provides "hard" evidence of cognt- Access to mtrospectlve insights from sconng, and of statistical anal- tive functions by relating them to participants' point of view, whICh may YSlS make it relatively easy to phYSiological actlviry; offers an alter- be unavatlable via other means apply to representative sam- native view of cognitive processes pies of a population; relatively unavailable by other means; may high probabiltty of drawing lead to possibilities for treating per- valid causal mferences sons with serious cognitive defiCits.
Engage m intensive study of smgle mdl- Observe real-hfe situations, as m Simulations: Attempt to make computers simulate human viduals, drawing general conclusions classrooms, work set! Highly unlikely Not apphcable Not apphcable.
Highly unlikely No Full control of vanables of interest. Almost certain to be small Probably small Not apphcable. Not hkely to be representative May be representative Not applicable.
H igh ecological validity for individual Yes Not apphcable cases; lower generahzabdlty to others. Yes; richly detailed mformation regard- Possible, but emphasis IS on envi- Not applicable mg individuals ronmental distmctions, not on mdi- vidual differences.
Access to richly detailed information Access to rich contextual mforma- Allows exploration of a wide range of possibilities for mod- about mdivlduals, including mformatlon tion, which may be unavailable via elmg cognttive processes; allows clear test to see about historical and current contexts, other means whether hypotheses accurately predicted outcomes; may which may not be available Via other lead to Wide range of practical apphcatlons e.
Experiments on Human Behavior In controlled experimental designs, an experimenter conducts research, typically in a laboratory setting. The experimenter controls as many aspects of the experimental situation as possible. Independent variables are aspects of an investigation that are individually manipulated, or carefully regulated, by the experimenter, while other aspects of the investigation are held constant i.
Dependent variables are outcome responses, the values of which depend on how one or more independent variables influence or affect the participants in the experiment. These irrelevant variables that are held constant are called control variables. Another type of variable is the confounding variable. Confounding variables are a type of irrelevant variable that has been left uncontrolled in a study.
For example, imagine you want to examine the effectiveness of two problem-solving techniques. You train and test one group under the first strategy at 6 A.
In this experiment, time of day would be a confounding variable. Obviously, when conducting research we must be careful to avoid the influence of confounding variables. The experimenter also must randomly assign participants to the treatment and control conditions. If those requisites for the experimental method are fulfilled, the experimenter may be able to infer probable causality.
This inference is of the effects of the independent variable or variables the treatment on the dependent variable the outcome for the given population. Many different dependent variables are used in cognitive-psychological research. Two common ones are percent correct or its additive inverse, error rate and reaction time.
It is important to choose both kinds of variables with great care, because no matter what processes one is observing, what one can learn from an experiment will depend almost exclusively on the variables one chooses to isolate from the often complex behavior one is observing.
Suppose the outcomes in the treatment condition show a statistically significant difference from the outcomes in the control condition. Because the researcher can establish a likely causal link between the given independent variables and the dependent variables, controlled laboratory experiments offer an excellent means of testing hypotheses.
For example, suppose that we wanted to see whether loud, distracting noises influence the ability to perform well on a particular cognitive task e. Ideally, we first would select a random sample of participants from within our total population of interest.
Then we would introduce some distracting loud noises to the participants in our treatment condition. The participants in our control condition would not receive this treatment. We would present the cognitive task to participants in both the treatment condition and the control condition. We then would measure their performance by some means e. We thereby would examine whether the difference between the two groups reached statistical significance. Suppose the participants in the treatment condition showed poorer performance at a statistically significant level than the participants in the control condition.
We then might infer that loud distracting noises did, indeed, influence the ability to perform well on this particular cognitive task. But they often involve various outcome measures of accuracy e. For example, characteristics of the situation may involve the presence versus the absence of particular stimuli or hints during a problem-solving task.
Characteristics of the participants may include age differences, differences in educational status, or differences based on test scores. On the one hand, characteristics of the situation or task may be manipulated through random assignment of participants to either the treatment or the control group.
In such situations researchers often use other kinds of studies. Examples are studies involving correlation a statistical relationship between two or more attributes, such as characteristics of the participants or of a situation. Pearson's r is a number that can range from - 1. A correlation i s a description of a relationship. The correlation coefficient describes the strength of the relationship.
The closer the coeffic ient is to 1 either positive or negative , the stronger the relationship between the variables is. A positive relationship indicates that as one variable increases e. No correlation-that is, when the coeffic ient is O-indicates that there is no pattern or relationship in the change of two variables e. Findings of statistical relationships are highly informative. Their value should not be underrated.
However, correlational studies generally do not permit unequivocal inferences regarding causality. Chapter 2 describes various specific techniques used in psychobiological research. These techniques generally fall into three categories. The second category is techniques for studying images showing structures of or activities in the brain of an individual who is known to have a particular cognitive deficit.
The third is techniques for obtaining information about cerebral processes during the normal performance of a cognitive activity. Postmortem studies offered some of the first insights into how specific lesions areas of inj ury in the brain may be associated with particular cognitive deficits.
Recent technological developments also have increasingly enabled researchers to study individuals with known cognitive deficits in vivo while the individual is alive. The study of individuals with abnormal cognitive functions linked to cerebral damage often enhances our understanding of normal cognitive functions. In addition, psychobiological researchers study some aspects of normal cognitive functioning by studying cerebral activity in animal participants.
Researchers often use animal participants for experiments involving neurosurgical procedures that cannot be performed on humans because such procedures would be difficult, unethical, or impractical. For example, studies mapping neural activity in the cortex have been conducted on cats and monkeys e.
Research Methods in Cognitive Psychology Can cognitive and cerebral funct ioning of animals and of abnormal humans be generalized to apply to the cognitive and cerebral functioning of normal humans? Psychobiologists have responded to these questions in various ways. Most of them go beyond the scope of this chapter see Chapter 2.
To obtain richly textured information about how particular individuals think in a broad range of contexts, researchers may use other methods. On the one hand, experimental research is most useful for testing hypotheses. On the other hand, research based on self-reports, case studies, and naturalistic observation is often particularly useful for the formulation of hypotheses. In very specific circumstances, these methods may provide the only way to gather information. An example is the case of Genie, a girl who was locked in a room until the age of 1 3 and thus provided with severely limited social and sensory experiences.
I t would have been unethical experimentally to deny a person any language experience for the first 1 3 years of life. Therefore, case-study methods are the only reasonable way to examine the results of someone's being denied language and social exposure.
Therefore, when traumatic brain inj ury occurs, case studies are the only way to gather information. Surprisingly, Mr. Gage survived. H is behavior and mental processes were drastically changed by the accident, however. Obviously, we cannot insert large metal rods into the brains of experimental participants. The reliability of data based on various kinds of self-reports depends on the candor of the participants when providing the reports. A participant may misreport information about h is or her cognitive processes for a variety of reasons.
These reasons can be intentional or unintentional. Intentional misreports can include trying to edit out unflattering information. Unintentional misreports may involve not understanding the question or not remembering the information accurately.
For example, when a participant is asked about the problem-solving strategies he or she used in high school, the participant may not remember. The reason is that participants sometimes forget what they did. In a verbal protocol, the participants describe aloud all their thoughts and ideas during the performance of a given cognitive task e. Consider, for example, a study of insightful problem solving see Chapter 1 1. A person's memory span is the number of items that can be reliably recalled in the correct order.
The Baddeley-Hitch Model: Baddeley and Hitch proposed a model of working memory, which has subsequently been revised a number of times. The model has three components, which are now called the central executive , the visuospatial sketchpad, and the phonological loop. The latter two systems are sometimes referred to as "slave system" to the central executive. The phonological loop: consists of the phonological store and the articulatory rehearsal system. The visuospatial sketchpad: maintains and manipulates visuospatial information.
The central executive was initially conceived as a limited capacity pool of general processing resources. Tulving suggests that we should distinguish between two aspects of long-term memory: episodic memory deal with personally experienced facts and semantic memory general facts. Semantic memory holds the information that horses have four legs and a tail, but the last time we went horseback riding is held in episodic memory.
Semantic memory: our organized knowledge of words, concepts, symbols, and objects. It includes such broad classes of information as motor skills typing, swimming, bicycling , and general knowledge grammar, arithmetic , spatial knowledge the typical layout of a house , and social skills. Episodic memory: retrieve information from a person's own perspective; retrieve personal facts from long-term memory.
Long-term memory plays several roles. Semantic memory contains information on the speech sounds and words that we retrieve during pattern recognition.
And while this process is going on, we are also building up and episodic memory representation of the ongoing discourse.
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